Given this sort of sympathetic formulation of the conservative position, critics can still find ample grounds for disagreement. The formulation identifies several key assumptions that opponents may well question: that, left to itself, the free market will not cause unacceptable hardship for large numbers of people; that substantial government intervention almost always leads to bad results; that Christian ethicsespecially with the conservative emphasis on sexualityis the best code of moral behavior. But our sympathetic formulation allows an even more effective way of criticizing the conservative position: not by arguing against its key assumptions but by arguing that those very assumptions lead to contradictions.
In particular, there is a basic tension between the two main elements of the conservative view: Christian ethical values and the free enterprise system. Christian morality is a matter of love for others and self-sacrifice on their behalf. A market economy assumes that all agents (employers, workers, buyers, sellers) act in their own selfish interests. The problem is evident in the New Testaments unease with the wealthy and sympathy for the poor; see, for example, Matthew 13: 22, Mark 10: 23-25 and James 5: 1-3.
The standard response to this sort of moral objection is that the invisible hand of the market produces public goods out of private selfishness. If we all act for our own selfish ends, there will be far more material goods for us to share than there would be otherwise. But this is a utilitarian argument; that is, one that judges actions as moral because they increase our material happiness. Christian morality, however, denies that moral good and evil depend on what maximizes such happiness. Christian love and self-sacrifice, in particular, are moral goods in their own right, regardless of their consequences. Conversely, conservative Christian morality would not allow homosexuality or same-sex marriage, even if it turned out that doing so would increase material happiness.
I am not proposing this line of argument as a decisive refutation of the views held by the current Republican presidential candidates. But it is, I maintain, an argument based on a sympathetic analysis of those views and requires a serious response from people who hold them. It is not the end of a fruitful discussion of our political differences, but it could be the beginning.
How to Argue About Politics - NYTimes.com
I am not quite sure I agree with Gutting's analysis. I think someone can be both an advocate of the free-market and an advocate of religious charity/generosity, as long as one remains consistent in stating that the government should abstain from getting involved in either.
However, I think he is right if he is pointing to the inconsistency in the Conservative aim to legislate certain precepts of Christian morality while also keeping the government out of market.