OrangeEmpire
The White Debonair
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Heritage Foundation
And here is the premise:
There it is and the case for challenging the conventional, secular myth that Thomas Jefferson, or the constitutional architects, erected a high wall between religion and the civil government?
Federal government, not state government and the wall was between the federal government and the state governments not between the government as a whole and the church.
So, how did we get to this wall that we (seemingly) have today?
Helped along by the ACLU
Which means:
Also, the assertion that Justice Hugo Black and the ACLU turned the First Amendment on its head in 1947 is a bit of a stretch. The First Amendment was actually first "turned on its head" in 1925 (or perhaps even sooner, as I will demonstrate below), in the case of Gitlow v. New York, twelve years before Black became a Supreme Court Justice.
In Gitlow v. New York, the Court decided that certain provisions of the First Amendment (Free Speech and Free Press) applied to state governments by way of Privileges and Immunities Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment:
Many historians believe that this clause was originally intended to apply the Bill of Rights to state governments. Since there is some evidence to support this, including statements made by the Fourteenth Amendment's framers, it may be argued that the First Amendment was first "turned on its head" as early as 1868!
So, if you wish to restore the original meaning of the First Amendment, you will first have to do one of two things: you must either convince historians that the Fourteenth Amendment does not refer to the First Amendment, or you will have to repeal the Fourteenth Amendment itself.
And by turning the 1st Amendment on its head means:
And why should you care?
I believe first amendment should return to its original meaning. However, I'm not comfortable with any leader (like Bush or otherwise) that says "God speaks through me." That's blasphemy.
Abraham Lincoln said it better. "I won't say that God is on my side, but rather I hope to be on the side of God."
Still, nasty business religion and state working too closely together. Look at the middle east
God bless America, maybe that's exactly why we shouldn't change it. Religion should be private. In fact, maybe it can only be private. As Jefferson said in the letter you quoted, "religion is a matter which lies solely between Man & his God, that he owes account to none other for his faith or his worship, that the legitimate powers of government reach actions only, & not opinions." Religion lies between Man & his God, not between Man, his God, and the US Congress.
No metaphor in American letters has had a more profound influence on law and policy than Thomas Jeffersons wall of separation between church and state. Today, this figure of speech is accepted by many Americans as a pithy description of the constitutionally prescribed churchstate arrangement, and it has become the sacred icon of a strict separationist dogma that champions a secular polity in which religious influences are systematically and coercively stripped from public life.
And here is the premise:
What is the source of this figure of speech, and how has this symbol of strict separation between religion and public life come to dominate churchstate law and policy? Of Jeffersons many celebrated pronouncements, this is one of his most misunderstood and misused. I would like to challenge the conventional, secular myth that Thomas Jefferson, or the constitutional architects, erected a high wall between religion and the civil government.
There it is and the case for challenging the conventional, secular myth that Thomas Jefferson, or the constitutional architects, erected a high wall between religion and the civil government?
On New Years Day, 1802, President Jefferson penned a missive to the Baptist Association of Danbury, Connecticut. The Baptists had written the President a fan letter in October 1801, congratulating him on his election to the chief Magistracy in the United States. They celebrated Jeffersons zealous advocacy for religious liberty and chastised those who had criticized him as an enemy of religion[,] Law & good order because he will not, dares not assume the prerogative of Jehovah and make Laws to govern the Kingdom of Christ.
In a carefully crafted reply, Jefferson endorsed the persecuted Baptists aspirations for religious liberty:
Believing with you that religion is a matter which lies solely between Man & his God, that he owes account to none other for his faith or his worship, that the legitimate powers of government reach actions only, & not opinions, I contemplate with sovereign reverence that act of the whole American people which declared that their legislature should make no law respecting an establishment of religion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof, thus building a wall of separation between Church & State.[3]
Although today Jeffersons Danbury letter is thought of as a principled statement on the prudential and constitutional relationship between church and state, it was in fact a political statement written to reassure pious Baptist constituents that Jefferson was indeed a friend of religion and to strike back at the FederalistCongregationalist establishment in Connecticut for shamelessly vilifying him as an infidel and atheist in the recent campaign. James H. Hutson of the Library of Congress has concluded that the President regarded his reply to the Danbury Baptists as a political letter, not as a dispassionate theoretical pronouncement on the relations between government and religion.[4]
Jeffersons Understanding of the Wall
Throughout his public career, including two terms as President, Jefferson pursued policies incompatible with the high and impregnable wall the modern Supreme Court has erroneously attributed to him. For example, he endorsed the use of federal funds to build churches and to support Christian missionaries working among the Indians. The absurd conclusion that countless courts and commentators would have us reach is that Jefferson routinely pursued policies that violated his own wall of separation.
Jeffersons wall, as a matter of federalism, was erected between the national and state governments on matters pertaining to religion and not, more generally, between the church and all civil government. In other words, Jefferson placed the federal government on one side of his wall and state governments and churches on the other. The walls primary function was to delineate the constitutional jurisdictions of the national and state governments, respectively, on religious concerns, such as setting aside days in the public calendar for prayer, fasting, and thanksgiving. Evidence for this jurisdictional or structural understanding of the wall can be found in both the texts and the context of the correspondence between Jefferson and the Danbury Baptist Association.[5]
President Jefferson had been under Federalist attack for refusing to issue executive proclamations setting aside days for national fasting and thanksgiving, and he said he wanted to explain his policy on this delicate matter. He told Attorney General Levi Lincoln that his response to the Danbury Baptists furnishes an occasion too, which I have long wished to find, of saying why I do not proclaim fastings & thanksgivings, as my predecessors [Presidents Washington and Adams] did. The President was eager to address this topic because his Federalist foes had demanded religious proclamations and then smeared him as an enemy of religion when he declined to issue them.
Jeffersons refusal, as President, to set aside days in the public calendar for religious observances contrasted with his actions in Virginia where, in the late 1770s, he framed A Bill for Appointing Days of Public Fasting and Thanksgiving and, as governor in 1779, designated a day for publick and solemn thanksgiving and prayer to Almighty God.
How can Jeffersons public record on religious proclamations in Virginia be reconciled with the stance he took as President of the United States? The answer, I believe, is found in the principle of federalism. Jefferson firmly believed that the First Amendment, with its metaphoric wall of separation, prohibited religious establishments by the federal government only. Addressing the same topic of religious proclamations, Jefferson elsewhere relied on the Tenth Amendment, arguing that because no power to prescribe any religious exercise has been delegated to the General [i.e., federal] Government[,] it must then rest with the States, as far as it can be in any human authority. He sounded the same theme in his Second Inaugural Address, delivered in March 1805:
In matters of religion, I have considered that its free exercise is placed by the constitution independent of the powers of the general [i.e., federal] government. I have therefore undertaken, on no occasion, to prescribe the religious exercises suited to it; but have left them, as the constitution found them, under the direction and discipline of State or Church authorities acknowledged by the several religious societies.
These two statements were, in essence, Jeffersons own commentary on the Danbury letter, insofar as they grappled with identical issues. Thus, as a matter of federalism, he thought it inappropriate for the nations chief executive to proclaim days for religious observance; however, he acknowledged the authority of state officials to issue religious proclamations. In short, Jeffersons wall was erected between the federal and state governments on matters pertaining to religion.
Federal government, not state government and the wall was between the federal government and the state governments not between the government as a whole and the church.
So, how did we get to this wall that we (seemingly) have today?
Justice Hugo L. Black, who authored the Courts ruling, likely encountered the metaphor in briefs filed in Everson. In an extended discussion of American history that highlighted Virginias disestablishment battles and supported the proposition that separation of church and state is a fundamental American principle, attorneys for the American Civil Liberties Union quoted the single clause in the Danbury letter that contains the wall of separation image. The challenged state statute, the ACLU ominously concluded, constitutes a definite crack in the wall of separation between church and state. Such cracks have a tendency to widen beyond repair unless promptly sealed up.[8]
The tropes current fame and pervasive influence in popular, political, and legal discourse date from its rediscovery by the Everson Court. The Danbury letter was also cited frequently and favorably in the cases that followed Everson. In McCollum v. Board of Education (1948), the following term, and in subsequent cases, the Court essentially constitutionalized the Jeffersonian phrase, subtly and blithely substituting Jeffersons figurative language for the literal text of the First Amendment.[9] In the last half of the 20th century, it became the defining motif for churchstate jurisprudence.
The high and impregnable wall central to the past 50 years of churchstate jurisprudence is not Jeffersons wall; rather, it is the wall that BlackJustice Hugo Blackbuilt in 1947 in Everson v. Board of Education.
Helped along by the ACLU
Which means:
By extending its prohibitions to state and local jurisdictions, Black turned the First Amendment, as ratified in 1791, on its head. A barrier originally designed, as a matter of federalism, to separate the national and state governments, and thereby to preserve state jurisdiction in matters pertaining to religion, was transformed into an instrument of the federal judiciary to invalidate policies and programs of state and local authorities. As the normative constitutional rule applicable to all relationships between religion and the civil state, the wall that Black built has become the defining structure of a putatively secular polity.
Also, the assertion that Justice Hugo Black and the ACLU turned the First Amendment on its head in 1947 is a bit of a stretch. The First Amendment was actually first "turned on its head" in 1925 (or perhaps even sooner, as I will demonstrate below), in the case of Gitlow v. New York, twelve years before Black became a Supreme Court Justice.
In Gitlow v. New York, the Court decided that certain provisions of the First Amendment (Free Speech and Free Press) applied to state governments by way of Privileges and Immunities Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment:
No State shall make or enforce any law which shall abridge the privileges or immunities of citizens of the United States.
Many historians believe that this clause was originally intended to apply the Bill of Rights to state governments. Since there is some evidence to support this, including statements made by the Fourteenth Amendment's framers, it may be argued that the First Amendment was first "turned on its head" as early as 1868!
So, if you wish to restore the original meaning of the First Amendment, you will first have to do one of two things: you must either convince historians that the Fourteenth Amendment does not refer to the First Amendment, or you will have to repeal the Fourteenth Amendment itself.
And by turning the 1st Amendment on its head means:
Second, the very nature of a wall further reconceptualizes First Amendment principles. A wall is a bilateral barrier that inhibits the activities of both the civil state and religion, unlike the First Amendment, which imposes restrictions on civil government only. The First Amendment, with all its guarantees, was entirely a check or restraint on civil government, specifically Congress. The free press guarantee, for example, was not written to protect the civil state from the press; rather, it was designed to protect a free and independent press from control by the federal government.
Similarly, the religion provisions were added to the Constitution to protect religion and religious institutions from corrupting interference by the federal government and not to protect the civil state from the influence of, or overreaching by, religion. The wall, however, is a bilateral barrier that unavoidably restricts religions ability to influence public life; thus, it necessarily and dangerously exceeds the limitations imposed by the First Amendment.
And why should you care?
Why should we care about this metaphor today? We should care because the wall is all too often used to separate religion from public life, thereby promoting a religion that is essentially private and a state that is strictly secular. This would have alarmed the founders because they viewed religion, to paraphrase George Washingtons words, as an indispensable support for social order and political prosperity.
Today, the wall is the cherished emblem of a strict separationist dogma intolerant of religious influences in the public square. Federal and state courts have used the wall of separation concept to justify censoring private religious expression (such as Christmas crèches) in public fora; stripping public spaces of religious symbols (such as crosses); denying public benefits (such as education vouchers) for religious entities; and excluding religious citizens and organizations (such as faith-based social welfare agencies) from full participation in civic life on the same terms as their secular counterparts. The systematic and coercive removal of religion from public life not only is at war with our cultural traditions insofar as it evinces a callous indifference toward religion, but also offends basic notions of freedom of religious exercise, expression, and association in a democratic and pluralistic society.
The high and impregnable wall constructed by the Supreme Court inhibits religions ability to inform the public ethic and policy, deprives religious citizens of the civil liberty to participate in politics armed with ideas informed by their spiritual values, and infringes the right of religious communities and institutions to extend their prophetic ministries into the public square. Jeffersons metaphor, sadly, has been used to silence the religious voice in the marketplace of ideas and, in a form of religious apartheid, to segregate faith communities behind a restrictive barrier.
The wall metaphor provides little practical guidance for the application of First Amendment principles to real-world churchstate controversies, short of recommending a policy of absolute separation. Few courts or even separationist partisans, however, contend that a total and perfect separation is practical or mandated by the Constitution. In short, the wall is incapable of providing specific, practical guidelines that can be implemented in difficult disputes that require a delicate balancing of competing constitutional values, such as the freedoms of speech, association, religious exercise, and the non-establishment of religion.
The wall is politically divisive. Because it is so concrete and unyielding, its very invocation forecloses meaningful dialogue regarding the prudential and constitutional role of religion, faith communities, and religious citizens in public life. The uncritical use of the metaphor has unnecessarily injected inflexibility into churchstate debate, fostered distortions and confusion, and polarized students of churchstate relations, inhibiting the search for common ground and compromise on delicate and vexing issues.
Jeffersons figurative language has not produced the practical solutions that its apparent clarity and directness lead the wall builders to expect. Indeed, this wall has done what walls frequently doit has obstructed the view. It has obfuscated our understanding of constitutional principles. There is little advantage in metaphor if it is unable to bring clarity to an ambiguous or confusing text or if it fails to aid in the interpretive process.
Absent Jeffersons metaphor, churchstate debate might well be more candid and transparent. The separation principle would not necessarily be deemed an essential feature of the First Amendment; rather, it would be understood as only one among several plausible constructions of the amendment. Moreover, separationists would be compelled to articulate precisely the assumptions and rationales of their perspective rather than gloss over them with a metaphoric slogan.
I believe first amendment should return to its original meaning. However, I'm not comfortable with any leader (like Bush or otherwise) that says "God speaks through me." That's blasphemy.
Abraham Lincoln said it better. "I won't say that God is on my side, but rather I hope to be on the side of God."
Still, nasty business religion and state working too closely together. Look at the middle east
God bless America, maybe that's exactly why we shouldn't change it. Religion should be private. In fact, maybe it can only be private. As Jefferson said in the letter you quoted, "religion is a matter which lies solely between Man & his God, that he owes account to none other for his faith or his worship, that the legitimate powers of government reach actions only, & not opinions." Religion lies between Man & his God, not between Man, his God, and the US Congress.