tnmarktx
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Your are right. However, when somebody that appears to be even remotely good does get elected, they get bashed by both parties. The sheep bye into it, and say they are just spewing rhetoric. I've seen it happen a lot on this forum alone.
Link to said classified info? I've asked multiple times. ( different posters)
The only thing I can see he has done is violate ethical rules at the work place.
He hasn't threatened national security even though he was in a position to do so.
At this point, we really do not know what information he exposed. Has he violated the terms of his security clearance? Yes. That is something that people should never do, with the never say never exception requiring very heavy conditions. If the employer was systematically violating the law, does the employee's covenant of secrecy remain valid? If yes, then his clearance virtually obligated him to become a co-conspirator in any crime. Is that a legal procedure? Who is above the law in this country? What about his oath to defend the Constitution? Senator Feinstein alleges that he committed treason. If he only gave aid to the American people and our Constitution, how is that treason? He may have acted too broadly to claim a valid legal defense. Like I already said, we really do not know; it is too early to make such judgments.
This case raises many difficult questions about domestic espionage in the name of national security. Right now, government contractors are spying on us for writing about this subject, here on this message board. How does that stop terrorists like the Tsarnaev brothers? It doesn't.
Of course it is extreme. Here is the thing, though: I'd support declassification even at the risk of seven billion lives.
Here's the critical point. Once you start speaking to threats and security, you are speaking in terms of value. And, value theory is quantitative. One can say life is more valuable in two possible ways: there is nothing more valuable than life; or, life is more valuable than liberty but less valuable than something else. Prima facie, both of these assertions look like they may be used to justify slavery, but, upon deeper reflection, only the latter justifies slavery. If I say that life is less valuable than happiness or the common good (or whatever other good you want to substitute) and that life is more valuable than liberty, then I have committed myself (logically) to saying there are some things worth slavery (and, maybe even extermination of lives). This is where you find yourself in this debate.
On the other hand, if I say there is nothing more valuable than life, then I am saying that life is infinitely valuable. This might look as though it can be used to support slavery, but certainly not slavery merely due to the risk of losing life. This is due to the fact that if life is infinitely valuable, then all threats to life are infinitely risky, and, further, there is no possible way to reduce these risks. Thus, security becomes a means not for life but for other goods.
What are these other goods? If I say personal happiness, it's difficult to see how I could be happy without liberty and autonomy. If it is difficult to see how I could be happy without liberty and autonomy, then it is either difficult for me to see how others could be or I must admit that other individuals have desires distinctly different from me. If that is the case, then governments that try to tell individuals how to be happy will always err when providing a general solution, since the desires are particular and distinct. Thus, for happiness and/or the common good (which no longer includes mere physical security)the government must protect and defend choice: i.e., liberty and autonomy, neither of which is protected by keeping information away from individuals, and neither of which can be protected by a non-representative government (unless you believe in benevolent dictatorships).
At this point, we really do not know what information he exposed. Has he violated the terms of his security clearance? Yes. That is something that people should never do, with the never say never exception requiring very heavy conditions. .
I do support exposing all government classified information and programs. Further, I support the abolition of "state secrets". Seeking complete transparency would be simply representative government based upon democratic principles.
Of course it is extreme. Here is the thing, though: I'd support declassification even at the risk of seven billion lives.
Here's the critical point. Once you start speaking to threats and security, you are speaking in terms of value. And, value theory is quantitative. One can say life is more valuable in two possible ways: there is nothing more valuable than life; or, life is more valuable than liberty but less valuable than something else. Prima facie, both of these assertions look like they may be used to justify slavery, but, upon deeper reflection, only the latter justifies slavery. If I say that life is less valuable than happiness or the common good (or whatever other good you want to substitute) and that life is more valuable than liberty, then I have committed myself (logically) to saying there are some things worth slavery (and, maybe even extermination of lives). This is where you find yourself in this debate.
On the other hand, if I say there is nothing more valuable than life, then I am saying that life is infinitely valuable. This might look as though it can be used to support slavery, but certainly not slavery merely due to the risk of losing life. This is due to the fact that if life is infinitely valuable, then all threats to life are infinitely risky, and, further, there is no possible way to reduce these risks. Thus, security becomes a means not for life but for other goods.
What are these other goods? If I say personal happiness, it's difficult to see how I could be happy without liberty and autonomy. If it is difficult to see how I could be happy without liberty and autonomy, then it is either difficult for me to see how others could be or I must admit that other individuals have desires distinctly different from me. If that is the case, then governments that try to tell individuals how to be happy will always err when providing a general solution, since the desires are particular and distinct. Thus, for happiness and/or the common good (which no longer includes mere physical security)the government must protect and defend choice: i.e., liberty and autonomy, neither of which is protected by keeping information away from individuals, and neither of which can be protected by a non-representative government (unless you believe in benevolent dictatorships).
Wow. What is the point of government without security? How can there be any form of effective security (especially in the 21st century with complete transparency?
1) Giving all threats to life is equal value is ridiculous.
2) Holding life, liberty, and autonomy as aspiring ideals is great. However, lets not act like those ideals fall out of the sky, that everyone values those ideals, or that such ideals will be magically defended from those who do not value those ideals.
3) The bold are not congruent.
Of course it is extreme. Here is the thing, though: I'd support declassification even at the risk of seven billion lives.
Here's the critical point. Once you start speaking to threats and security, you are speaking in terms of value. And, value theory is quantitative. One can say life is more valuable in two possible ways: there is nothing more valuable than life; or, life is more valuable than liberty but less valuable than something else. Prima facie, both of these assertions look like they may be used to justify slavery, but, upon deeper reflection, only the latter justifies slavery. If I say that life is less valuable than happiness or the common good (or whatever other good you want to substitute) and that life is more valuable than liberty, then I have committed myself (logically) to saying there are some things worth slavery (and, maybe even extermination of lives). This is where you find yourself in this debate.
On the other hand, if I say there is nothing more valuable than life, then I am saying that life is infinitely valuable. This might look as though it can be used to support slavery, but certainly not slavery merely due to the risk of losing life. This is due to the fact that if life is infinitely valuable, then all threats to life are infinitely risky, and, further, there is no possible way to reduce these risks. Thus, security becomes a means not for life but for other goods.
What are these other goods? If I say personal happiness, it's difficult to see how I could be happy without liberty and autonomy. If it is difficult to see how I could be happy without liberty and autonomy, then it is either difficult for me to see how others could be or I must admit that other individuals have desires distinctly different from me. If that is the case, then governments that try to tell individuals how to be happy will always err when providing a general solution, since the desires are particular and distinct. Thus, for happiness and/or the common good (which no longer includes mere physical security)the government must protect and defend choice: i.e., liberty and autonomy, neither of which is protected by keeping information away from individuals, and neither of which can be protected by a non-representative government (unless you believe in benevolent dictatorships).
Out of curiosity, therealUT, what did I say is "more valuable" than life? If I am advocating a balance between freedom of speech/liberty and national security, it would seem that I value life, in that sense alone, over everything else. This would place me in your former category and, thus, not justify slavery by your standard.
Conversely, by your willingness to sacrifice billions of lives in the name of liberty, you are placing the value of liberty above the value of life.
You must not know how to read.
If you value life over and above everything else, then, by default, you are placing an infinite value on life (unless you are saying that a combination of other goods is more valuable than life, but in that case you are not valuing life above everything else; aside from removing life from the value game and making it the valuator, which is not a move allowed if one is speaking of risks, then I've exhausted the possibilities). And, if you are placing an infinite value on life, then all threats are infinitely risky. So, unless you feel as though you can eliminate all threats to life (I dare you to try), then you are in no way decreasing risk (merely decreasing probability). That is mathematically and logically valid whether you like it or not.
The point of government is not to secure life, but government can provide a certain level of security for liberty and autonomy, or the "pursuit of happiness". Since providing security for life is either meaningless or commits one to supporting slavery on some level, then a government for a people that abhor slavery (which ought to be all humans) ought not focus on securing life but rather on securing what is constitutive of the good life. However, since what constitutes the good life may be different for every person, then the government is reduced to protecting choice and supporting liberty and autonomy. This cannot be done while denying access to information.
Last year, more than 3,000 deaths were linked to distracted driving accidents according to the National Highway Traffic Safety Administration.
Except, you know, for the unfortunate detail that life is neither a math problem nor a logic game. Eliminating or decreasing a single risk eliminates or decreases its likelihood of posing a threat to life. Or, as you phrases it, its probability.
No rational person would ever completely give up on the notion of classified information/state secrets because of the mathematical and logical validity of risk.
Of course it is extreme. Here is the thing, though: I'd support declassification even at the risk of seven billion lives.
Here's the critical point. Once you start speaking to threats and security, you are speaking in terms of value. And, value theory is quantitative. One can say life is more valuable in two possible ways: there is nothing more valuable than life; or, life is more valuable than liberty but less valuable than something else. Prima facie, both of these assertions look like they may be used to justify slavery, but, upon deeper reflection, only the latter justifies slavery. If I say that life is less valuable than happiness or the common good (or whatever other good you want to substitute) and that life is more valuable than liberty, then I have committed myself (logically) to saying there are some things worth slavery (and, maybe even extermination of lives). This is where you find yourself in this debate.
On the other hand, if I say there is nothing more valuable than life, then I am saying that life is infinitely valuable. This might look as though it can be used to support slavery, but certainly not slavery merely due to the risk of losing life. This is due to the fact that if life is infinitely valuable, then all threats to life are infinitely risky, and, further, there is no possible way to reduce these risks. Thus, security becomes a means not for life but for other goods.
What are these other goods? If I say personal happiness, it's difficult to see how I could be happy without liberty and autonomy. If it is difficult to see how I could be happy without liberty and autonomy, then it is either difficult for me to see how others could be or I must admit that other individuals have desires distinctly different from me. If that is the case, then governments that try to tell individuals how to be happy will always err when providing a general solution, since the desires are particular and distinct. Thus, for happiness and/or the common good (which no longer includes mere physical security)the government must protect and defend choice: i.e., liberty and autonomy, neither of which is protected by keeping information away from individuals, and neither of which can be protected by a non-representative government (unless you believe in benevolent dictatorships).
"Ah yes, [life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness]... Life? What 'right' to life has a man who is drowning in the Pacific? The ocean will not hearken to his cries. What 'right' to life has a man who must die to save his children? If he chooses to save his own life, does he do so as a matter of 'right'? If two men are starving and cannibalism is the only alternative to death, which man's right is 'unalienable'? And is it 'right'? As to liberty, the heroes who signed the great document pledged themselves to buy liberty with their lives. Liberty is never unalienable; it must be redeemed regularly with the blood of patriots or it always vanishes. Of all the so-called natural human rights that have ever been invented, liberty is least likely to be cheap and is never free of cost. The third 'right'?the 'pursuit of happiness'? It is indeed unalienable but it is not a right; it is simply a universal condition which tyrants cannot take away nor patriots restore. Cast me into a dungeon, burn me at the stake, crown me king of kings, I can 'pursue happiness' as long as my brain livesbut neither gods nor saints, wise men nor subtle drugs, can ensure that I will catch it."
Source: Lt. Col. Jean V. Dubois (Ret.), Page 119
1. Not ridiculous; mathematically sound. Remember, probability is not synonymous with risk. If life is infinitely valuable, then all threats are infinitely risky, so long as the probability is > 0. If you do not believe life is infinitely valuable, that is fine. I offered an argument to address that as well.
2. You've just proven my point as to why the government ought to protect choice, liberty, and autonomy.
3. Of course they are congruent. I support declassification. 7 billion lives are at risk regardless. Thus, I would support declassification even at the risk of 7 billion lives (hell, since I would do it at the risk of an infinite number or lives, 7 billion is included).
The bold is absurd. The purpose of government is not to secure life but to provide a certain level of security for liberty and autonomy? The state of nature entails supreme liberty and autonomy. Submitting one's self to a government is the act of giving up a little of that supreme liberty and autonomy for some security for their life, security for their new lower level of liberty (after giving some up for the government), and security for their new lower level of autonomy.