Known and Unknown: A Memoir by Donald Rumsfeld
3-Stars
Reports that say something hasn't happened are always interesting to me because as we know, there are known knowns: there are things we know we know. We also know there are known unknowns: that is to say we know there are some things [we know] we do not know. But there are also unknown unknowns - the ones we don't know we don't know. And if one looks throughout the history of our country and other free countries, it is the latter category that tends to be the difficult one.
When I picked up Donald Rumsfeld's book I did not know what I was getting into. I figured that at best, Rumsfeld would offer insight to his time as Secretary Defense, accept blame for some of the mistakes that were made over his tenure while offering hypothetical and historical "what-ifs", and, at worst, simply show himself to be an apologist for the Bush administration and lay blame for elsewhere. Having finished the book, I find that Rumsfeld offered incredible insight into the workings of the Federal Government over the past sixty years, yet failed to take personal responsibility or hold himself accountable for any of the mistakes that the government has made throughout that epoch.
Rumsfeld grew up in Chicago and was offered an "academic" scholarship to Princeton for his wrestling prowess (Ivy League institutions do not award athletic scholarships; I have known more than one person with subpar grades, yet above average athletic talent, who have received "academic" scholarships to these institutions). In order to support himself and bolster his spending money in college, Rumsfeld joined the Naval ROTC program and upon graduation he was commissioned as an Ensign in the United States Navy. Rumsfeld went to flight school. At some point during his training, Rumsfeld was requested by the Navy to try out for the US National Wrestling team. While working out, Rumsfeld injured himself and was medically discharged from the Navy. Shortly thereafter, he returned to Chicago with his wife and began his life in politics.
Rumsfeld's political life really began during the LBJ administration and the Vietnam War. Surprisingly, Rumsfeld, who would later be seen as a "hawk", was against the war effort and stated this to LBJ.
I thought it was easy for the administration to order the American military, largely made up of draftees, to Vietnam, but it was a vastly more difficult task to marshal diplomatic or economic experts who could help the Vietnamese develop the capabilities they needed to be able to sustain themselves.
By increasing American troop levels still further in the country, we were increasing the number of targets, which would lead to more casualties and further undermine support for the war at home. The U.S. approach seemed to be playing into the hands of the enemy.
Of course, for the reader today, one could simply interpret that as an idealized, revisionist history offered by Rumsfeld to display that he was on the correct side of history. However, the following exchange occurred on February 25, 1966:
"So, my question is: Why are the Viet Cong not convinced of our national will?" I asked. "In what ways have we failed to convince them of this determination, and what is being done, or can be done, to convince them?"
"I'll tell ya what'll convince 'em!" LBJ almost shouted. "More of the same like we've been given 'em!"
"Like the bombing pause?" I asked skeptically.
"For the past thirty days, we've stepped up bombing!" Johnson raged. "The Reds have seen twenty thousand casualties!"
"Well, Mr. President, if we have been doing this since the conclusion of the pause," I continued, "is there any hint or indication that we are, in fact, being successful in convincing them? Is the message getting through?"
"No," he eventually conceded, "there isn't."
Rumsfeld went on to be Secretary of Defense for two Presidents, Ford and George W. Bush, and, ultimately, he has been blamed for the failures that occurred in Iraq; however, Rumsfeld does a great job in demonstrating the responsibilities of the Federal Government and the functions of specific Departments with regard to the two biggest issues during the Bush administration: Iraq and Hurricane Katrina.
As regards the perceived failures in Iraq, Rumsfeld makes the compelling case that the failures ultimately fall on the shoulders of the State Department. The Department of Defense is charged with the task of building and maintaining a military capable of defeating enemies in combat. The U.S. military decisively defeated the Iraqi military in March and April of 2003 and, under martial law, controlled the civilian population in the following months. The State Department is in charge of nation-building and diplomacy. When Paul Bremer took over the CPA in Iraq, he instituted deBaathification, effectively disintegrating all municipal functions in Iraq, to include policing and utilities management. The leaders of the insurgency paid previously employed people who were now legally barred from working, to carry out the majority of their attacks and cause the violent instability that reigned in Iraq through 2006.
With regard to Hurricane Katrina, I will defer to Rumsfeld's own words:
Tropical storm Katrina intensified to a category 5 hurricane on August 28, 2005, while it was still several hundred miles out in the Gulf of Mexico. Expecting landfall in the next forty-eight hours, the new NORTHCOM commander, Admiral Tim Keating, began issuing orders and alerts to military units across the United States. He deployed an advance headquarters to Camp Shelby, Mississippi, and created a staging area for the Federal Emergency Management Agency (FEMA) at Barksdale Air Force Base in Louisiana.
Governor Kathleen Blanco was reluctant to relinquish command of the thousands of National Guardsmen in her state, as President Bush had urged her to do. Her actions led to an unnecessary delay in the crucial early hours over the issue of who could organize and direct the Guardsmen. In light of Governor Blanco's unwillingness to cede control of the National Guard, President Bush was faced with two difficult choices: first, whether to federalize the Guardsmen, which would take away Blanco's authority over them, and, second, whether to invoke the Insurrection Act, which would suspend posse comitatus - the longstanding American law that bars federal military forces from conducting law and order missions on U.S. soil.
Until I read this account, I was unaware of the Federal restrictions regarding intervention; yet, Rumsfeld makes the case that, with over 40,000 troops on hand and ready to respond, it was the State of Louisiana who fumbled, causing unnecessary suffering and grief for those people who needed to be rescued in the wake of the hurricane.
Throughout his account, Rumsfeld does a decent job explaining the litigious tightrope and balancing act that had to be maintained throughout every facet of the Federal Government. In conclusion, while I do not think this was the best account, given the avoids taking personal responsibility, that Rumsfeld could have given regarding his time as a Federal Official, I do think it was a good account and one definitely worth reading.