The Impeachment Thread

#7,852
#7,852
AirVol said:
Wasn’t there a TV show back in the day?
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Not sure, but I remember one intro where the army officer's (blue union style uniform) buttons and epaulets were torn off in disgrace ... can't remember the name.
 
#7,853
#7,853
volfanhill said:
You would think they would realize this. What’s he waiting for? Oh wait. It’s bc there is nothing to it.
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They are clawing at anything to get the spotlight off the Lord Red Hat.
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#7,861
#7,861
Septic said:
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Yep, total bada$$ rebel right here. I have no doubt you view him as such.

'This part is fitting...

Oh, Mama, I'm in fear for my life from the long arm of the law
Law man has put an end to my running and I'm so far from my home
Oh, Mama I can hear you a-cryin', you're so scared and all alone
Hangman is comin' down from the gallows and I don't have very long

but it just doesn't equate when you see the true "rebel" lol live and in action...

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#7,862
#7,862
volfanhill said:
No you claimed the USSS chose it and that was a reflection of their thoughts on him. Do you need me to quote your own post? And isn’t this stupid show from the 90’s proof that most people view the term “renegade” as a rebel. Or were people tuning in for the other definitions of the word just to be disappointed?
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Good catch thanks for the correction. Duly noted.
 
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#7,868
#7,868
NurseGoodVol said:
Doesn't the full house have to vote on official impeachment inquiry?
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You may be right. I’m still looking, but the answer I’m seeing so far seems to be: “its complicated.”

What Powers Does a Formal Impeachment Inquiry Give the House?

Michael Conway, who served as counsel on the House judiciary committee during the Watergate investigation, has advanced a similar argument. In particular, he points to a staff memo written in April 1974, which argues that “the Supreme Court has contrasted the broad scope of the inquiry power of the House in impeachment proceedings with its more confined scope in legislative investigations. From the beginning of the Federal Government, presidents have stated that in an impeachment inquiry the Executive Branch could be required to produce papers that it might with‐hold in a legislative investigation.” Others are more skeptical—like Alan Baron, a former attorney for the House judiciary committee on four judicial impeachments, who has cautioned that impeachment proceedings don’t “make all the problems go away.”
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But broader changes in congressional rules and procedures in recent years mean that today’s judiciary committee may not need the same kind of special powers it was granted as part of previous impeachment inquiries.

The impeachment proceedings against both Presidents Nixon and Clinton began with a vote by the full House of Representatives directing the judiciary committee “to investigate fully and completely whether sufficient grounds exist for the House of Representatives to exercise its constitutional power to impeach” the president in question.
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It was important for the House to enhance the judiciary committee’s subpoena powers in 1974 and 1998 because of the state of the chamber’s rules at the time. In 1974, only a few House committees had subpoena power under the rules of the House—though other committees, including the judiciary committee, were granted subpoena authority through separate investigative authorizing resolutions reported from the House Committee on Rules in each Congress. As part of broader reforms to the committee system that took effect in 1975, the House provided all committees with subpoena power as part of the rules. In 1977, the House adopted a rule change that allowed individual committees to, if they wished, delegate the power to issue subpoenas to the chairman alone, without the need to consult the full committee. But in 1998, when the House commenced impeachment proceedings against Clinton, the judiciary committee had no such provision granting that authority to its chair.
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There has been a similar evolution in the rules surrounding depositions taken by committee staff, which allow committees to pursue additional information without imposing on members’ time and in a private setting that may be more likely to produce candor from witnesses. Under practices in place in 1974 and 1998, deposition power for committee staff was periodically authorized by the full House for the purpose of specific investigations. The resolutions authorizing both the Nixon and Clinton impeachment proceedings granted the judiciary committee this authority.
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