I have some questions for you.
Is insurrection a state or federal crime?
Does either Maine or CO have statutes on their books covering federal insurrection? Why would they or wouldn't they in your opinion if you don't know the answer to the first question?
I am very much in favor of State's Rights, but I am adamant about Due Process.
How can any state remove a candidate by saying they have committed insurrection without a legal finding of such? Is there any precedent for such action?
She could have written 100 pages about her opinion as to why she believes he committed insurrection. Her findings and opinions do not amount to a legal finding of such no matter how much she wants it to. Now if the state has a statute covering insurrection, the state is more than able to try him of this and then if found guilty remove him from the ballot.
If you want to say the 14th amendment doesn't mention conviction as a requirement as some have, I would be happy to argue that origins of the 14th amendment and how that argument does not hold water. I look forward to your answers.
Tl;dr: There is no established process or procedure for applying section 3. That’s why this is happening. So, discussion of how disqualification under section 3 of the 14th amendment should be handled is valid. Bitching that what has happened thus far violates some norm or precedent for application of Section 3 or fails to meet some existing requirement, like “legal finding of such,” is made up nonsense. Some things are clear, though:
I. “Legal finding of such” is not necessarily required.
There is no requirement for conviction in the 14th amendment. To the extent the states have existing procedures for enforcing other requirements to hold public office, like Maine does, those statutes don’t have to require a “legal finding of such.” Courts have accepted that administrative procedures, like the one conducted here, can provide requisite due process. The Supreme Court held this at least as far back as 1877.
II. It’s not clear that due process is required.
The due process clauses of the fifth and fourteenth amendments prohibit deprivation of life, liberty, and property without due process of law. It’s not clear that seeking or holding public office is a protected right, as opposed to a privilege.
And even if it were a protected right, do you think Slave owners had to receive due process before being deprived of their property?
III. Assuming,
arguendo that those being disqualified must receive due process, it is ambiguous what process should be required.
Considerable historical evidence indicates that “due process of law” merely required executive and judicial actors to comply with legislative enactments and the common law when depriving a person of life, liberty, or property. See, e.g., Johnson v. United States, 576 U. S. 591, 623 (2015) (THOMAS, J., concurring in judgment).
(From Justice Thomas Concurrence in
Dobbs).
That’s exactly what happened here. Maine appears to have followed statutorily prescribed procedures for enforcing qualifications.
In
Dobbs, Thomas repeats his common admonition that due process meant the “customary procedures to which freemen were entitled at the old law of England.”
Traditionally, due process was limited to notice and an opportunity to be heard by an impartial tribunal. Having previously established that “tribunal” does not require a court, this administrative proceeding clearly attempted to respect Trump’s due process rights. They provided him notice and a hearing before the state officer to whom the decision making authority had been delegated by the legislature.
What else might be required is unclear because what process is due to an individual has long been dependent on circumstances and, again, there’s no real guiding precedent, for this situation.